Tag: interest rates
Kevin Warsh

Trump Adds His Newly Appointed Fed Chair To His (Long) Enemies List

I had intended to write on the Fed’s decision to raise rates, but I don’t have much to add to what I wrote last week. I do think inflation is high, and for the moment the labor market seems reasonably healthy. But I don’t see higher rates as being a useful way to combat inflation caused by tariffs and Trump’s war on Iran.

As I noted, there is no case for the sort of wage-price spiral we saw in the 1970s. Wage growth has actually slowed sharply over the last two years. Wages had been growing at over a 4.0 percent annual rate in 2023 and 2024. The year-over-year rate has fallen to 3.1 percent. The annualized rate, comparing the average for the last three months (June-August) with the prior three (March-May), is just 2.7 percent. And this comes as inflation has accelerated from just over 2.0 percent to more than 3.0 percent.

Given little risk of accelerating inflation, at least from excessive demand, there seems little point in pushing rates higher. The one qualification I would make to this assessment is that expectations of a rate hike had become so embedded, especially following Fed Chair Kevin Warsh’s comments at the annual Jackson Hole conference, that it is likely long-term rates would go up more if the Fed held rates unchanged than if they hiked. Given that situation, I guess I would have gone with the hike.

But the bigger news yesterday was President Trump’s response. For some time, Trump has been pushing a bizarre theory that because we have the hottest economy (we don’t), we should have the lowest interest rates. This makes no sense, because the normal practice is to lower rates when the economy is weak, and raise them when it’s strong.

Apart from Trump’s confusion on the economics, the bigger story was that he immediately added the Fed to his enemies list, saying the rate hike was part of a grand conspiracy to make him look bad. This is more than a bit incredible, first and foremost because Trump had just appointed Kevin Warsh as Fed chair this spring. Apparently, Trump believes that his pick has already turned on him and joined the enemy.

And it wasn’t just Warsh; the vote was unanimous. That means that all four of the people who Trump appointed to the Fed, including his previous pick as Fed chair, Jerome Powell, lined up against him.

This follows Trump’s loss at the Supreme Court on his plan to have the Postal Service screen voter lists for mail-in ballots in the November elections. In that case, all three of Trump’s picks to the Court lined up against him, upholding a stay from a lower court that prohibited Trump’s plan from going into effect.

Trump complained that the justices “are not the people I interviewed.” He said that the court was giving in to crazy liberal influence.

It’s not new that Trump sees anyone who disagrees with him as part of a conspiracy. He’s long accused judges on lower courts of conspiring to undermine his agenda. And Trump regularly accuses any reporter who writes a critical story or asks a tough question as being “fake news.” And when polls show his popularity falling, Trump denounces them as “fake polls.”

But it seems a step further that Trump says people that he appointed, in some cases recently, have now joined the grand anti-Trump conspiracy. If Trump were not the president of the United States, we could just see this as part of an over-the-top comedy. Unfortunately, we don’t have that option.

In fact, the revenge Trump is floating for the Fed’s rate hike is pretty scary. He suggested that he will simply stop trading with arbitrarily chosen countries with whom we have a trade deficit. Trump seems to have a theory whereby we are losing money with a country, if we run a trade deficit with them. This makes as much sense as saying I lose money every time I go to the grocery store and pay them for the food.

But Trump is a reality TV show star, not someone who has even the most basic understanding of economics. Shutting down trade with a major trading partner would be a further jolt to the high prices that people are already upset over. It’s pretty horrible economics and doesn’t sound like very good politics, but I guess it will make Donald Trump feel tough.

It’s not clear Trump has the authority to arbitrarily impose trade embargos on other countries. But if the Supreme Court follows its recent path with tariffs, it will let Trump impose his embargo and then maybe wait a year or so before deciding it’s unconstitutional.

That will be bad news for families paying higher prices and the countries that have to reorient their economies, but at least it should further convince those who are still unconvinced that our president is completely out of his gourd. Other countries need to plan economic and defense relationships that do not involve the United States. At this point, we are not a credible country.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack, from which this is reprinted with permission.

Trump's Iran War Pushing Up Interest Rates And Stifling Housing Starts

Trump's Iran War Pushing Up Interest Rates And Stifling Housing Starts

Donald Trump might not be doing very well in his effort to defeat Iran, but he’s scoring serious points in his attack on the U.S. housing market. The war on Iran has pushed long-term interest rates up by 0.7 percentage points, with the 30-year bond rate hitting levels not seen before the collapse of the housing bubble in 2007-2009.

The jump in rates had the predictable effect on the housing market. Starts in July fell to 1,239,000, the lowest level since the early days of the pandemic. The monthly data are erratic, but a three-month moving average tells the same story.

The monthly average for the period from May to July was 1,279,000, the lowest three-month average since May-July 2020, when the economy was largely shut down due to the pandemic.

The plunge in construction is bad news for those hoping for lower house prices. As I noted recently, real house prices have been drifting downward, following the pandemic surge. Affordability fans might have hoped that a more rapid pace of construction would accelerate this decline.

However, an uptick in construction does not seem a likely prospect for the near future. There is no obvious end to the war any time soon, and as long as the war continues, rates are more likely to go higher than lower.

The other big factor is immigration. A large share of the workers in construction are immigrants. Research shows that a reduction in the number of immigrants results in a decline in construction. This means that Donald Trump’s mass deportation drive is likely to slow construction even if the war ends and interest rates fall back to their pre-war level.

Therefore, we are not about to see robust construction numbers any time soon. Real house prices may still drift somewhat lower, as the pandemic surge fades into the distance, but we are not likely to see large price drops in the next couple of years, barring an economic collapse.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.


Behind Tomorrow's Federal Reserve Decision, A Delicate Economic Balancing Act

Behind Tomorrow's Federal Reserve Decision, A Delicate Economic Balancing Act

They just keep comin.’

I’m talking about those FOMC (Federal Open Market Committee) meetings that take place about every six weeks in the big boardroom at the Federal Reserve’s headquarters in Washington, D.C.

The committee is meeting as we speak, and will announce their rate decision tomorrow at 2pm ET, as per usual, followed by a presser with Chair Warsh, his second since he was confirmed. Given Warsh’s campaign to do a lot less telegraphing about how the Fed is assessing the economy and the monetary policy path, there was some question as to whether Warsh would keep these every-meeting pressers going. But, at least for now, he’ll evade answer questions from the press tomorrow at 2:30.

(Note to the chair: You’re not fooling me, Kevin! Your strategy, which I grant you is clever, is to be so opaque and elusive at these pressers that the reporters give up and the markets tune out. FTR, that could work! Though it does leave a lot of investors scratching their heads in ways that seem sub-optimal to me, as I stress below.)

The big question, given inflation’s persistence above target, is will the FOMC come off of neutral and raise the interest rate they control. As I write, the market probability of a 25bps hike is 36%, up 10 ppts from a week ago.

In this brief note, I’d like to talk about the macroeconomics of the Fed’s balancing act right now, as we are in a somewhat weird macro/monetary moment. I wouldn’t call it stagnation—slow growth with high inflation—because growth is pretty good. Expectations for Q2 GDP, out later this week, are tracking around 2% (though GDPNow is at 1.6%). Job growth has picked up lately, and is probably a bit above breakeven (the number needed to keep unemployment stable). Wage growth, at around 3.5%, nominal, is a bit low relative to productivity, meaning no inflationary pressure there.

In other words, no macro overheating, yet inflation remains elevated. The figure below shows core CPI and core PCE, with a dot for the latter’s June value (also coming later this week), expected to come in at ~3%, a point above target. And that’s before energy prices, which bleed a bit into the core, picked up this month as Trump’s Iran war heated up again.

This puts us in a familiar place, one I’ve personally lived through in the Biden years, with good but not overheated growth and high inflation, in this case—a stark difference with the sitch back in my day—due mostly not to exogenous shocks (pandemic-induced supply chain disruptions), but to Trump’s inflationary policies, including tariffs and the war (there’s also demand-side inflationary pressures from AI spending).

Of course, supply chains are not as battered now as they were then (see figure), but they’re clearly elevated. And isn’t the Fed supposed to “look through” that sort of thing? Doesn’t that militate against raising rates?


To an extent, yes, for two reasons. One is that such shocks tend to dissipate. Tariffs, like any tax, should give a one-time bump to the price level and then underlying inflation takes over. And the war could end. The problem with that thinking, however, is that it ignores the elephant Orange Menace in the room. Trump can’t let the tariffs rest anymore than he can extract us from his war of choice.

The second reason the Fed might be averse to hiking into mostly supply-shock driven inflation is that it takes too much damage to the economy’s demand side to blunt supply-side inflationary impacts. As GS recently put it: “…a key lesson of recent years is that the effects of supply shocks on inflation are often large, while the effects of changes in resource utilization [demand] are moderate.”

They cited a recent Yellen speech underscoring this point, and Janet knows a bit about this:

“Monetary policy cannot tame supply-driven inflation without exacting unacceptable unemployment costs.” Those steep costs, she added, lie behind the standard central bank wisdom that “Looking through supply shocks should remain the default strategy unless inflation expectations are at genuine risk of becoming unanchored.”

There are numbers to back up this thinking. Below you see GS’s basis-point impacts of supply shocks vs. demand shocks (a one ppt higher unemployment rate) on inflation. They’ve got the tariffs adding about 75bps and the war, about 40bps, so 1.15 ppts higher inflation. Then, on the right, they’ve got one point more unemployment reducing core PCE inflation by just 15bps, averaging over a few studies. Do the math and that’s far too much unemployment to offset Trump’s supply shocks.

But, my fellow Fed-watchers, the story does not end there. I put heavy weight on Janet’s caveat: “…unless inflation expectations are at genuine risk of becoming unanchored.”

If you’re on the FOMC, there’s no way you can be cavalier about that warning. Eyeball that first figure above and you’ll see that core inflation has exceeded the target for years. It’s fine, in specific, time-limited cases to call “supply-shock…nothing to see…move along folks.” But this isn’t that. David Mericle, GS’s Chief US economist put it exactly right in a recent podcast:

…they’re done litigating what exactly is causing inflation, asking the question of whether or not it’s appropriate to look through the different factors causing high inflation. If we continue to see high inflation, many of them feel like at this point we really need to respond to that because this has just gone on for too long, and I think everyone agrees that at some point, in principle, even if this is a long series of one-time supply shocks, it would become dangerous. It would risk making people a little bit too accustomed to high inflation and make it potentially take on a life of its own.

So, I don’t think they hike tomorrow, and based on the economic analysis above, I wouldn’t go there. But I would hope they lean into a hawkish bias in the statement. I additionally hope Warsh puts aside his man-of-mystery schtick and gives some version of the above analysis in his presser tomorrow.

Warsh and Trump

Despite Troubling Signs, Warsh's Smooth Fed Debut Stays Course On Rates

I found the new Fed chair’s debut to be fascinating, comforting, and worrisome. Which is in itself interesting because Chair Kevin “Taskforce” Warsh (“Task” for short) talked a lot but said very little of note. Here are my takeaways.

What did the committee do? Not only did they hold rates steady, as expected, but there was a more hawkish tilt to their expectations re future rates. Compared to their last meeting, the committee expects the interest rate they control to be higher both this year and next.

This change can be seen in the “dot plot” wherein the 19 committee members anonymously say where they think rates will need to go. Except there were only 18 dots for ‘26 and ‘27 and 17 for ‘28. Chair Warsh told us he’d abstained and someone else apparently joined him for ‘28.

I’ll have more to say about his abstention in a moment, but this hawkish tilt takes me to my next point.

I said “worrisome” above. Why? The theme of the statement, the dots, and Warsh’s presser were all, quite reasonably in my view (this was part of the comforting part), about how the economy and labor market are doing pretty well, but inflation remains high and sticky. Even with Trump looking over his shoulder, Warsh would have been hard pressed to oppose the committee’s neutral/tightening bias. That’s just where the inflation data are right now.

But “Task” isn’t new to this neighborhood, and I’ve long argued he just played a dove to get the job. That’s why I was struck—and maybe kinda over-reacted—to the FOMC statement a few minutes after its release:

The rest says: “...so no need to got there. But knowing Warsh's proclivities in this regard, I don't like it.”

Here’s why we should be nervous that Warsh will consistently down-weight the full-employment side of the mandate relative to the price-stability side:

—He’s long been a hard-money guy who worries more about inflation eroding asset values than unemployment eroding bargaining power and paychecks.

—He barely referenced the employment side of the mandate in his confirmation hearing.

—He hired Paul Winfree to be a temporary adviser as he settles into the new gig. This is the guy who wrote the (generally bonkers) Fed chapter in Project 2025, which calls for getting rid of the full employment part of the mandate.

Like I said, this concern isn’t new, and I tend to overreact when I think someone is threatening full employment conditions—a personality flaw for which I emphatically do not apologize. But this potential bias bears close watching.

What else did I find comforting? That would be the fact that Warsh didn’t come out swinging, going off on his colleagues for their tightening bias, signaling Trump, as Stephen Miran did, that he would push for cuts, regardless of the data. He praised his FOMC colleagues and the staff, and was generally highly diplomatic.

Now, if readers who know my proclivities conclude that my comfort should be Trump’s discomfort, I agree. This was a hawkish meeting, more so than expected, and Warsh went along with it. If Powell did that, Trump’s thumbs would have been spewing fire on social media, but he held his fire yesterday.

I took this as a win for Fed independence, but it’s way too soon to conclude that we’re safe in that regard. Still, you know my mantra: A bad day for Trump is a good day for America.

Anything else from the debut? Yeah, a few things.

—I’ve argued in recent posts that I take Warsh’s point how an excess of Fed communication isn’t helpful and can be harmful, leading markets and Fed watchers to overreact to stray voltage. But after yesterday, I’m worried he will push that too far, providing too little information in ways that could lead to unnecessary volatility and the return of the Fed-guessing-game that “forward guidance” was designed to end.

The statement was too bare bones, I thought, and Warsh wouldn’t answer any questions about where he thought things were headed, providing us no information on his “reaction function,” meaning how he and FOMC are processing the data with regard to rate movements. Whenever he was asked a question about this, he told us that he’d be setting up a taskforce to look into that. It became a comic tag line.

I doubt I was the only one who missed Powell’s plain speaking, his earnest efforts to clearly explain how he and his colleagues were thinking about things. In a word, Warsh was really quite opaque, and if that continues, it will generate problems born of insufficient communication.

—I’ve been to this taskforce rodeo many times, and have even led one or two. The majority of taskforces do little; they’re set up to give the appearance of doing something about a problem for which you don’t have a tractable solution. Some, however, yield important, actionable results. My prior in this case is that most of the many taskforces that Task announced yesterday won’t change much, with the exception of the communications/forward-guidance one.

That’s enough for now, and we’ll have ample time to scrutinize the new chair. I’m glad he didn’t come out swinging and I appreciate the seriousness about getting inflation back to target, especially with Trump lurking in the background. But I’ve got serious concerns that warrant close watching.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please subscribe to his Substack, from which this is reprinted with permission.


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